Throwing Babies Against S and Floors to Kill Them
Nayirah al-Ṣabaḥ during her testimony. It was later on revealed that she was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the United States and that her testimony could non be verified.
The Nayirah testimony was simulated testimony given earlier the United States Congressional Man Rights Caucus on Oct 10, 1990, by a 15-year-old girl who was publicly identified at the time by her first proper noun, Nayirah. The testimony was widely publicized, and was cited numerous times by U.s. senators and President George H. Westward. Bush in their rationale to back up State of kuwait in the Gulf War.
In 1992, it was revealed that Nayirah'south terminal proper name was Al-Ṣabaḥ (Arabic: نيرة الصباح) and that she was the daughter of Saud Al-Sabah, the Kuwaiti administrator to the United States. Furthermore, it was revealed that her testimony was organized every bit part of the Citizens for a Free Kuwait public relations campaign, which was run past the American public relations house Hill & Knowlton for the Kuwaiti government. Following this, al-Sabah's testimony has come up to be regarded as a archetype example of modernistic atrocity propaganda.[1] [2]
In her testimony, Nayirah claimed that after the Iraqi invasion of State of kuwait she had witnessed Iraqi soldiers take babies out of incubators in a Kuwaiti hospital, accept the incubators, and leave the babies to die.
Her story was initially corroborated past Amnesty International, a British NGO, which published several contained reports about the killings[3] and testimony from evacuees. Following the liberation of Kuwait, reporters were given access to the country. An ABC written report found that "patients, including premature babies, did die, when many of State of kuwait'due south nurses and doctors ... fled" only Iraqi troops "almost certainly had not stolen hospital incubators and left hundreds of Kuwaiti babies to die."[4] Immunity International reacted by issuing a correction, with executive director John Healey subsequently accusing the Bush-league administration of "opportunistic manipulation of the international human rights move".[5]
Background [edit]
Incubator allegations [edit]
Iraqis are chirapsia people, bombing and shooting. They are taking all hospital equipment, babies out of incubators. Life-back up systems are turned off. ... They are even removing traffic lights. The Iraqis are beating Kuwaitis, torturing them, knifing them, beating them, cutting their ears off if they are caught resisting or are with the Kuwaiti regular army or police force. |
— Evacuee's description as reported in St. Louis Post-Dispatch [half dozen] |
Following the Iraqi invasion and occupation of State of kuwait, there were reports of widespread looting. On September two, 1990, in a letter to the UN Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar, Kuwait's UN representative, Mohammad A. Abulhasan, wrote:
Further to those of our communications which are intended to inform you of the actions perpetrated by the Iraqi occupation authorities in State of kuwait in contravention of all international laws, and on the basis of confirmed information provided to us past the Government of Kuwait, we wish to draw attention to a phenomenon which has no precedent in history, namely, the Iraqi occupation government' organized operation for the purpose of looting and plundering State of kuwait. It is impossible to compare this performance to any similar incidents or to provide an exact account thereof because information technology is in effect an operation designed to achieve cipher less than the complete removal of Kuwait'southward assets, including property belonging to the State, to public and private institutions and to individuals, also as the contents of houses, factories, stores, hospitals, academic institutes, schools, and universities ... What has occurred in State of kuwait is the perpetration of an act of armed robbery past a Land which has used its military, security and technical organs for that purpose.[vii]
In the letter, Abulhasan also noted that "theft of all equipment from private and public hospitals, including X-ray machines, scanners and pieces of laboratory equipment."[seven] The allegations of looting were also retold by evacuees who described "soldiers annexation office buildings, schools and hospitals for air conditioners, computers, blackboards, desks, and even infant incubators and radiation equipment."[8] Douglas Hurd, the British Secretary for foreign affairs surmised that "they are looting and destroying in a way which suggests that they may not expect to be at that place for very long."[9]
The looting of incubators attracted media attention because of allegations that premature babies were being discarded or dying as a consequence.[10] On September 5, Abdul Wahab Al-Fowzan, the Kuwaiti health minister-in-exile, stated at a printing conference in Taif, Saudi Arabia "that Iraqi soldiers had seized virtually all of the country's hospitals and medical institutions afterward their invasion" and that "soldiers evicted patients and systematically looted the hospitals of loftier-tech equipment, ambulances, drugs and plasma" which resulted in the death of 22 premature babies.[9] [eleven] The Washington Mail described the origin of the Kuwaiti baby story equally follows:
The Kuwaiti baby story originated with a letter of the alphabet from a senior Kuwaiti public health official that was smuggled out of the country by a European diplomat late last month, according to Hudah Bahar, an architect who received the letter hither in London. It was supplemented by information gathered from fleeing Kuwaitis and other sources by Fawzia Sayegh, a Kuwaiti pediatrician living here.
The letter claimed that Iraqi soldiers ordered patients evicted from several hospitals and closed downward critical units for treating cancer patients, dialysis patients and those suffering from diabetes. Bahar and Sayegh said the Iraqis hauled sophisticated equipment such as dialysis machines back to Baghdad, part of the haul of cash, gold, cars and jewelry that is said by Arab banking sources to exceed $two billion. Among the equipment taken were the 22 baby incubator units, they said.[11]
The Washington Mail service as well noted that it was unable to verify the accusations as Iraq did not let admission to the expanse and had quarantined diplomats.[eleven]
On September 5, in another letter to the Un Secretary Full general, Abulhasan reiterated Fowzan's claims writing:
We are informed by impeccable sources in State of kuwait's health institutions that the Iraqi occupation regime have carried out the post-obit fell crimes, which may exist described as crimes confronting humanity: ... ii. The incubators in maternity hospitals used for children suffering from retarded growth (premature children) take been removed, causing the decease of all the children who were under handling.[12]
The letter did not state how many babies had died.[11] [13] The allegations in the letter received widespread media coverage in the following days.[14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] That mean solar day, in an interview with released hostages on NPR'south All Things Considered, a hostage stated that Iraqi troops were "hitting children with the butts of the guns, taking infants out of incubators and taking the incubators."[xx] Reuters too reported they had been told "that Iraqi troops took premature babies out of incubators in State of kuwait in order to steal the equipment."[21] [22]
On September ix, NPR reported that "in a ward for premature infants, soldiers had turned off the oxygen on incubators and packed the equipment for shipment to Iraq."[23]
On September 17, Edward Gnehm Jr., the U.South. ambassador-designate to Kuwait, told reporters that Kuwaiti health officials told him 22 babies had died when Iraqi troops had stolen their incubators.[24] The Los Angeles Times reported that "refugees reported that incubators for premature babies were confiscated by Iraqi troops and the babies inside were piled on the floor and left to die."[10] [25] The San Jose Mercury News also reported the same allegation that day, adding that Western diplomats thought "this is the kind of thing that some people call genocide, and if people wanted to construe information technology equally such, it could be cause for some kind of armed forces intervention."[26]
On September 25, The Washington Mail service reported that "State of kuwait City's hospitals are existence stripped of incubators."[10] [27] The president of Citizens for a Costless Kuwait wrote to Representative Gus Yatron stating of how he "recently learned that the Iraqi leader has ordered that maternity hospital incubators [in Kuwait], used for treating premature babies, exist turned off, allowing these infants to die of exposure."[28]
On September 29, in a meeting between Kuwaiti leader Sheik Jabbar al Ahmed al Sabah and President George H. W. Bush, the exiled emir told the president that Iraqis were "going into hospitals, taking babies out of incubators and people off life-support machines to send the equipment back to Republic of iraq."[29] [xxx] In his remarks following the give-and-take, Bush stated that "Iraqi aggression has ransacked and pillaged a once peaceful and secure state, its population assaulted, incarcerated, intimidated, and even murdered" and that "Republic of iraq'due south leaders are trying to wipe an internationally recognized sovereign state, a fellow member of the Arab League and the Un, off the face of the map."
On September 28, State of kuwait'due south planning minister, Sulaiman Mutawa, reported that 12 babies had died as a result of incubator annexation.[32]
On September xxx, U.S. News & World Report reported that it had obtained secret US government cables based on eyewitness accounts that revealed "shocking acts of brutality inflicted by the Iraqis against innocent citizens at Kuwaiti hospitals."[33] The cables stated that on the sixth day of Iraqi invasion, Iraqi soldiers "entered the Adan Hospital in Fahaheel looking for hospital equipment to steal" and that "they unplugged the oxygen to the incubators supporting 22 premature babies and made off with the incubators", thus killing the 22 children.[33]
On October 9, at a Presidential news conference, Bush stated:
I thought Full general Scowcroft [Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs] put information technology very well afterwards the Amir left hither. And I am very much concerned, not just about the physical dismantling but of the brutality that has at present been written on by Amnesty International confirming some of the tales told usa by the Amir of brutality. Information technology's just unbelievable, some of the things at to the lowest degree he reflected. I mean, people on a dialysis machine cut off, the machine sent to Baghdad; babies in incubators heaved out of the incubators and the incubators themselves sent to Baghdad. At present, I don't know how many of these tales can be authenticated, but I do know that when the Amir was here he was speaking from the middle. And after that came Amnesty International, who were debriefing many of the people at the edge. And it'south sickening.[34]
Citizens for a Free Kuwait [edit]
The Citizens for a Free Kuwait was a public relations committee set up by the Kuwaiti embassy, described by The Times News as a "Washington, D.C.- based committee comprised of concerned Kuwaitis and Americans".[35] [36] Though the commission occupied embassy office space, they were to be working independently of the embassy.[35]
Hill & Knowlton [edit]
In 1990, subsequently beingness approached by a Kuwaiti expatriate in New York, Hill & Knowlton took on "Citizens for a Costless Kuwait."[37] The objective of the national campaign was to raise sensation in the United states of america about the dangers posed by Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to State of kuwait.[37]
Colina & Knowlton conducted a $i million study to determine the best way to win support for strong activity.[38] H & K had the Wirthington Group conduct focus groups to determine the best strategy that would influence public opinion.[39] The written report found that an emphasis on atrocities, peculiarly the incubator story, was the most effective.[39]
Hill & Knowlton is estimated to have been given every bit much equally $12 million by the Kuwaitis for their public relations campaign.[40]
Congressional Human Rights Foundation [edit]
The Congressional Human being Rights Foundation is a non-governmental system that investigates human rights abuse. Information technology was headed past Democratic U.Southward. Representative Tom Lantos and Republican Representative John Porter and rented space in Loma & Knowlton's Washington headquarters at a $3000 reduced rate.[41]
U.S. authorities involvement [edit]
Cognition and co-responsibleness of the U.S. regime has been debated. Whereas some claim consummate lack of information to the White House, other scholars take claimed U.S. knowledge and involvement. German historian [[{{{1}}}]]
has stated:The work of the US advertising agency for the Kuwaiti carried the signature of the White House in a certain way. President Bush-league was briefed past Fuller on every single pace. Whether he also gave his personal consent for the baby story, however, cannot be proven. What remains, all the same, is that shut personal contacts existed between the United states government and an agency that had demonstrably given birth to lies. The same agency was even directly employed past the US authorities in another context.[42]
Testimony [edit]
On October 10, 1990, Nayirah was the last to prove at the Conclave. In her oral testimony, which lasted 4 minutes,[43] she stated:
Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, my name is Nayirah and I just came out of Kuwait. My mother and I were in Kuwait on August 2nd for a peaceful summer vacation. My older sister had a babe on July 29th and we wanted to spend some time in Kuwait with her.
I only pray that none of my 10th grade classmates had a summer vacation like I did. I may accept wished sometimes that I can exist an developed, that I could grow up chop-chop. What I saw happening to the children of Kuwait and to my country has changed my life forever, has changed the life of all Kuwaitis, young and one-time, mere children or more.
My sister with my five-day-old nephew traveled beyond the desert to safety. In that location is no milk bachelor for the baby in State of kuwait. They barely escaped when their car was stuck in the desert sand and help came from Kingdom of saudi arabia.
I stayed behind and wanted to practise something for my country. The second week afterward invasion, I volunteered at the AlIdar (phonetic rendering) Hospital with 12 other women who wanted to help as well. I was the youngest volunteer. The "other" women were from 20 to 30 years old.
While I was there, I saw the Iraqi soldiers come into the hospital with guns. They took the babies out of the incubators, took the incubators and left the children to die on the cold floor. Information technology was horrifying. I could not help but recollect of my nephew who was born premature and might take died that day also. After I left the infirmary, some of my friends and I distributed flyers condemning the Iraqi invasion until we were warned we might be killed if the Iraqis saw us.
The Iraqis have destroyed everything in Kuwait. They stripped the supermarkets of food, the pharmacies of medicine, the factories of medical supplies, ransacked their houses and tortured neighbors and friends.
I saw and talked to a friend of mine afterwards his torture and release by the Iraqis. He is 22 but he looked as though he could have been an old man. The Iraqis dunked his head into a swimming pool until he almost drowned. They pulled out his fingernails and so played [sic] electric shocks to sensitive private parts of his torso. He was lucky to survive.
If an Iraqi soldier is establish dead in the neighborhood, they burn to the ground all the houses in the general vicinity and would not permit firefighters come until the only ash and rubble was left.
The Iraqis were making fun of President Bush and verbally and physically abusing my family and me on our style out of State of kuwait. Nosotros only did then considering life in State of kuwait became unbearable. They accept forced us to hide, burn or destroy everything identifying our country and our government.
I want to emphasize that Kuwait is our female parent and the Emir our father. We repeated this on the roofs of our houses in Kuwait until the Iraqis began shooting at us, and nosotros shall repeat it once more. I am glad I am 15, old enough to remember State of kuwait before Saddam Hussein destroyed it and young plenty to rebuild it
Thank y'all. [43]
Although Nayirah did not specify how many babies were in the incubators in her oral testimony, in the written testimony distributed by Colina and Knowlton, it read "While I was there I saw the Iraqi soldiers come into the hospital with guns, and go into the room where 15 babies were in incubators."[44] The testimony was non given under oath.
Representative John Porter, co-chairman of the conclave, remarked that in his viii years of service on the caucus, he had never heard such "brutality and inhumanity and sadism."[45] Nayirah's testimony was described as the almost dramatic.[45]
Colina & Knowlton [edit]
It is unclear how much of Nayirah'south testimony was coached. Though the firm was supposed to provide but stylistic help,[46] it was reported that H&1000 "provided witnesses, wrote testimony, and coached the witnesses for effectiveness."[47]
Reactions [edit]
Nayirah's testimony was widely publicized.[48] Hill & Knowlton, which had filmed the hearing, sent out a video news release to MediaLink, a house which served about 700 television stations in the United States.[49]
That night, portions of the testimony aired on ABC'due south Nightline and NBC Nightly News reaching an estimated audience betwixt 35 and 53 1000000 Americans.[47] [49] Seven senators cited Nayirah's testimony in their speeches backing the utilize of force.[Note ane] President George Bush repeated the story at least 10 times in the following weeks.[52] Her account of the atrocities helped to stir American opinion in favor of participation in the Gulf War.[53]
Initial response [edit]
On Jan 13, 1991, the Lord's day Times reported that a Dr. Ali Al-Huwail could vouch for 92 deaths.[54]
Iraq denied the allegations. On Oct xvi, Iraqi data minister Latif Nassif al-Jassem told the Iraqi News Bureau that "at present you [Bush] are using what he [Sheikh Jaber] told you to make Congress ratify the budget which is in the carmine because of your policies" calculation that "y'all, as the president of a superpower, accept to weigh words carefully and not human activity as a clown who repeats what he is told."[55]
In a visit to Kuwait on October 21, 1990, by journalists who were escorted by Iraqi information ministry building officials, doctors at a Kuwaiti motherhood facility denied the incubator allegations.[56] In the visit, the Iraqi head of the Kuwaiti wellness department, Abdul-Rahman Mohammad al-Ugeily, said that "Baghdad had sent ane,000 doctors and other medical to staff to assist run Kuwait'due south 14 hospitals and health centres following the invasion."[56]
Martin and MacArthur [edit]
A little reportorial investigation would have done a great service to the autonomous process. |
— John MacArthur[57] |
On March 15, 1991, John Martin, an ABC reporter, reported that "patients, including premature babies, did die, when many of Kuwait'southward nurses and doctors stopped working or fled the country" and discovered that Iraqi troops "nearly certainly had not stolen hospital incubators and left hundreds of Kuwaiti babies to die."[4]
On January 6, 1992, The New York Times published an op-ed piece by John MacArthur entitled "Call up Nayirah, Witness for Kuwait?"[57] MacArthur discovered that Nayirah was the daughter of the Kuwaiti Ambassador to the U.South., Saud Nasir al-Sabah.[57] MacArthur noted that "the incubator story seriously distorted the American fence virtually whether to support armed forces activeness" and questioned whether "their [Representatives Lantos and Porter] special relationship with Hill and Knowlton should prompt a Congressional investigation to detect out if their actions simply constituted an obvious disharmonize of interest or, worse, if they knew who the bawling Nayirah really was in October 1990."[57] The story earned MacArthur the Monthly Journalism Award from The Washington Monthly in April 1992, and the Mencken Award in 1993.[44] [58]
Colina & Knowlton [edit]
Nosotros disseminated information in a void equally a basis for Americans to form opinions. |
— Frank Mankiewicz, Vice Chairman, Colina & Knowlton[59] [60] |
On January fifteen, 1992, the CEO of Hill & Knowlton, Thomas East. Eidson, responded to the concerns raised by MacArthur in a letter to the editor to The New York Times.[61] Eidson stated that "at no time has this firm collaborated with anyone to produce knowingly deceptive testimony", asserting that the house "had no reason to question her veracity when she testified following her escape from Kuwait."[61] The letter explained that Nayirah's accuse that Iraqi soldiers removed newborn babies from incubators was corroborated past Dr. Ibraheem Behbehani, head of the Red Crescent, before the United Nations Security Council, and that the media was not permitted back inside Kuwait "until after the liberation", so in that location was no way to verify the stories of refugees like her.[61] Eidson concluded that "Nayirah's credibility should no more exist questioned than if she had been a physician or teacher" and the company'due south piece of work with the Kuwaitis was consequent with house's standards stating that "the public involvement was fairly served."[61]
In August 1992, Howard Paster replaced Robert K. Gray as the general manager of the Washington office in order to clean up the firm's paradigm.[62] [63]
Critics contended that Hill & Knowlton had concocted a faux pop movement, Citizens for a Free State of kuwait, and subsequently used questionable evidence and suspect witnesses to influence public opinion and policy in the United States and the UN.[lx] [64] [65]
Loma & Knowlton's deportment taken on behalf of Citizens for a Costless Kuwait, together with those of other major clients including Banking concern of Credit and Commerce International, the Church of Scientology, and an anti-abortion campaign by Cosmic bishops raised ethical concerns amongst public relations professionals.[66] The concerns, though not new, were more vigorous than previous ones due to the prominence of the issues.[37]
Tom Lantos [edit]
Concur on to your hats. The grand campaign to rewrite the history of the Persian Gulf war is on. |
— Tom Lantos' response to MacArthur[67] |
While Lantos was a close friend of Bush at the time, as well equally a co-chair of the Congressional Human Rights Foundation, he failed to notify Bush of his position inside the Nayirah case, or of her true identity. In an interview, Lantos stated that he had curtained Nayirah's identity at the request of her begetter in order to protect her family and friends.[53] Lantos denied any allegations of wrongdoing arguing that "The media happened to focus on her. If she hadn't testified, they would accept focused on something else."[53] Lantos likewise stated that:
The notion that any of the witnesses brought to the caucus through the Kuwaiti Embassy would not be credible did not cross my mind. I have no basis for assuming that her story is not true, but the betoken goes beyond that. If one hypothesizes that the adult female's story is fictitious from A to Z, that in no mode diminishes the avalanche of man rights violations.[53]
In a letter to the editor to The New York Times on Jan 27, 1992, entitled "Kuwaiti Gave Consistent Business relationship of Atrocities", Tom Lantos responded to MacArthur's allegations. He wrote that "Mr. MacArthur'southward deceptive article serves only the cynics who seek to rewrite the history of the Persian Gulf war" noting "the article's sinister innuendo suggests that the girl was not fifty-fifty in Kuwait at the time of the Iraqi invasion, and that the whole gruesome incident was a diabolical plot past an American public relations firm."[67] Lantos wrote that "the fact that Nayirah was the daughter of the Ambassador of Kuwait fabricated her a more credible witness" and that "her relationship to the Administrator and Government enhanced her credibility."[67] He also noted that "her account was consistent with the information we received from other witnesses, with hundreds of other atrocity stories from Kuwait carried by media around the globe, and consequent with reports past independent homo rights organizations, such equally Amnesty International, who also testified at our hearing and later published accounts similar to Nayirah's."[67] Lantos concluded that "given the countless cases of verified Iraqi man rights violations", information technology was "unnecessary and counterproductive to invent atrocities."[67]
Lantos also rejected the allegations of a special relationship between the caucus and Hill & Knowlton, stating that "caucus activities are held without regard to whether these countries are represented past any constabulary firm or public relations firm."[67]
In a subsequent letter to The New York Times, MacArthur pointed out that the testimony had been retracted.[68]
Ambassador Sabah [edit]
The ambassador has stated that his daughter had witnessed the atrocities she described and that her presence in State of kuwait could be verified by the United States Embassy in Kuwait.[53] He besides stated "If I wanted to lie, or if we wanted to lie, if we wanted to exaggerate, I wouldn't utilise my daughter to practise so. I could hands buy other people to practise information technology."[69]
Lauri Fitz- Pegado [edit]
Pegado was the acting Vice President of Hill & Knowlton at the time of Nayirah's Testimony. It was later on confirmed within the Kuwaitis investigation that Pegado was responsible for coaching Nayirah in what was proven to exist her false testimony.
Other [edit]
The campaign has been described by critics as corrupt, deceptive and unethical. Some charge that it was used to spread imitation or exaggerated tales of Iraqi atrocities.[forty] [70] [71]
Lantos was criticized for his withholding the information.[72]
Investigations [edit]
Human Rights Sentinel [edit]
In 1992, the human rights arrangement Middle East Watch, a partition of Human Rights Scout, published the results of their investigation of the incubator story. Its director, Andrew Whitley, told the printing, "While it is truthful that the Iraqis targeted hospitals, there is no truth to the charge which was primal to the war propaganda effort that they stole incubators and callously removed babies allowing them to die on the flooring. The stories were manufactured from germs of truth past people outside the country who should have known amend." One investigator, Aziz Abu-Hamad, interviewed doctors in the hospital where Nayirah claimed she witnessed Iraqi soldiers pull fifteen infants from incubators and exit them to die. The Independent reported, "The doctors told him the maternity ward had 25 to 30 incubators. None was taken by the Iraqis, and no babies were taken from them."[73]
Immunity International [edit]
Immunity International initially supported the story, just later issued a retraction.[74] [75] It stated that it "constitute no reliable prove that Iraqi forces had acquired the deaths of babies by removing them or ordering their removal from incubators."[76]
Kroll Report [edit]
Kuwaiti officials do not discuss the thing with the printing.[44] In lodge to reply to these charges, the Kuwaiti regime hired Kroll Associates to undertake an independent investigation of the incubator story. The Kroll investigation lasted nine weeks and conducted over 250 interviews. The interviews with Nayirah revealed that her original testimony was wildly distorted at best; she told Kroll that she had actually seen only one infant exterior its incubator for "no more than a moment." She as well told Kroll that she was never a volunteer at the hospital and had in fact "only stopped past for a few minutes."[77]
Backwash [edit]
In fact, nearly everyone involved in peddling the tale of the unplugged babies, from Amnesty International to Kuwaiti doctors, has sprinted away from it. |
— Newsday[78] |
Following the cease of the war, Reuters reported that Iraq returned "98 truckloads of medical equipment stolen from State of kuwait, including two of the baby incubators". Abdul Rahim al-Zeid, an assistant under-secretary at the Kuwaiti Public Health Ministry, said that past returning the incubators the Iraqis had unwittingly provided proof that they took them.[79] Kuwait's chief ambulance officer, Abdul Reda Abbas, stated that "We think the Iraqis might accept returned the incubators by mistake."[79]
Post-obit the revelation of Nayirah'southward identity, there was a public outrage that the information had been withheld.[80]
[edit]
In the finish, the question was not whether H&Thousand effectively altered public opinion, but whether the combined efforts of America'south ain government, foreign interests, and private PR and lobbying campaigns drowned out decent and rational, unemotional fence. |
— The ability house: Robert Keith Gray and the selling of access and influence in Washington [81] |
The content, presentation, distribution, effectiveness, and purpose of Nayirah's testimony have been the subject of multiple public relations studies.
In his book, Strategic Maneuvering in Argumentative Discourse, Frans H. van Eemeren, stating that "visual messages which accompany exact argumentation tin can be so drastic that rational argumentation becomes almost impossible", described Nayirah'southward story as an argumentum advert misericordiam.[82] In the paper The Loma & Knowlton Cases: A Brief on the Controversy past Susanne A. Roschwalb, the author noted that as H&Thousand was a British firm, "what effect did British concerns -such as the possible plummet of its financial institutions, if the Kuwaiti currency, the dinar, became worthless -have on Colina & Knowlton's efforts?"[83] Ted Rowse, in his article "Kuwaitgate — killing of Kuwaiti babies by Iraqi soldiers exaggerated" in The Washington Monthly, noted that "Most reporters, having apparently been burned by Hill & Knowlton's handiwork in spreading the original Nayirah story without checking it out, seem to prefer to allow the story fade away, passively falling, again, for the company's public relations guile."[44] John R. MacArthur, who authored 2nd Forepart: Censorship and Propaganda in the Gulf State of war, has noted that "at the time, it was the virtually sophisticated and expensive PR campaign ever run in the U.S. past a strange government."[70]
Run across too [edit]
- Foreign interventions by the United States
- American imperialism
- House of Al-Sabah
- To Sell a War
- Wag the Domestic dog
- Gulf of Tonkin incident
- Live From Baghdad
- Jumana Hanna
- Saddam Hussein's alleged shredder
- Atrocity propaganda
Notes [edit]
- ^ This was viewed as important since the January 10, 1991 dominance to apply forcefulness passed by just 5 senate votes.[fifty] [51]
References [edit]
- ^ Regan, Tom (2002-09-06). "When contemplating state of war, beware of babies in incubators". Christian Science Monitor . Retrieved October 31, 2013.
- ^ Morris, Al (2009). Civilisation Hijacked: Rescuing Jesus from Christianity and the human spirit From Bondage. ISBN978-1440182426.
- ^ Cockburn, Alexander (1991-02-07). "Alexander Cockburn reviews 'An American Life' by Ronald Reagan · LRB 7 February 1991". London Review of Books. lrb.co.uk. p. ix. Retrieved September 23, 2014.
- ^ a b Fowler, p. 22
- ^ Healey, John (28 Jan 1991). "Amnesty Responds to President Bush". The Heights. No. one. Retrieved 26 May 2015.
- ^ "U.S. Evacuates 171 From Iraq, Kuwait – Women Who Fabricated Information technology Out Recount Tales Of Terror". St. Louis Post-Dispatch. September 8, 1990. p. 1A.
Cindy of San Francisco, who declined to exist identified further, said, Iraqis are beating people, bombing and shooting. They are taking all infirmary equipment, babies out of incubators. Life-back up systems are turned off. ... They are even removing traffic lights. "The Iraqis are beating Kuwaitis, torturing them, knifing them, beating them, cutting their ears off if they are defenseless resisting or are with the Kuwaiti army or police," she said.
- ^ a b United Nations Security Council masthead document Letter Dated ii September 1990 From The Permanent Representative Of State of kuwait To The United Nations Addressed To The Secretary-General South/21694 September 3, 1990.
- ^ Leff, Lisa (September xi, 1990). "Weary, wary evacuees bring tales of horror". The Washington Post.
The evacuees told of soldiers looting role buildings, schools and hospitals for air conditioners, computers, blackboards, desks, and fifty-fifty baby incubators and radiation equipment. They described food shortages that afflicted soldiers besides as civilians, and random acts of violence.
- ^ a b Beeston, Nicholas (September five, 1990). "A battle ground to exam Saddam – Republic of iraq invasion of State of kuwait". The Times. London, England.
- ^ a b c Rendall, p. 24
- ^ a b c d Frankel, Glenn (September 10, 1990). "Iraq, Kuwait Waging an Old-Fashioned War of Propaganda". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on Nov 5, 2012. Retrieved March 15, 2011. (subscription required)
- ^ United nations Security Council masthead certificate Letter Dated v September 1990 From The Permanent Representative Of State of kuwait To The Un Addressed To The Secretary-Full general S/21713 September v, 1990.
- ^ Walton, p 771
- ^ "Kuwait says seizure of hospital equipment acquired many deaths". Reuters News. September vi, 1992.
- ^ "Republic of iraq equipment removal killed patients – Kuwait". Reuters News. September 6, 1992.
- ^ "Kuwaiti says Iraq plundered hospitals". Charlotte Observer. Due north Carolina. Associated Press. September vii, 1990. p. A16.
- ^ "Official: Hospitalized in Kuwait are left to die". Chicago Tribune. Associated Press. September 7, 1990. p. 12.
- ^ "Persian Gulf crisis – More about the Mideast". Houston Chronicle. September 7, 1990. p. A18.
- ^ "Kuwait Says Iraq Plundered Hospitals". The San Francisco Chronicle (Associated Printing). September 7, 1990. p. A21.
- ^ "Released Hostages Tell of Kuwait Terror". All Things Considered (Transcription of broadcast). NPR. September 7, 1990.
Total destruction everywhere, cars wrecked, burned, people thrown out of cars on the street you lot're driving downward; they just throw people over the street. They're striking children with the butts of the guns, taking infants out of incubators and taking the incubators.
- ^ "Kuwait offers to assistance cover mideast costs - contributions should outset U.S. liability". Newport News. Virginia. September eight, 1990.
Cindy, who refused to give her last proper name, and another woman who identified herself merely as Rudi, told the Reuters news bureau that Iraqi troops took premature babies out of incubators in Kuwait in order to steal the equipment.
- ^ Tamayo, Juan O. (September viii, 1990). "Iraqi hostage horror: 'It smelled of expiry'". Austin American-Statesman. p. A1.
- ^ "Weekend Edition Sunday (News)" (Transcription of broadcast). NPR. September 9, 1990.
`Time is running out,' said one, a pediatrician. She said in the last few days, the Iraqi troops had looted a local hospital. In a ward for premature infants, soldiers had turned off the oxygen on incubators, she said, and packed the equipment for shipment to Iraq. Dr. Fawzi al-Said said the report came to her by the hospital attendants, who had buried the dead infants.
- ^ "Iraq tightens its grip on State of kuwait". Dayton Daily News. Ohio. September 29, 1990. pp. 6A.
The U.S. ambassador-designate to State of kuwait, Edward Gnehm Jr., told reporters Monday that Kuwaiti health officials told him 22 babies born prematurely died when Iraqi troops removed them from incubators they stole. Gnehm has been named to supplant current ambassador Nathaniel Howell, who is holed up inside the U.S. Embassy in State of kuwait.
- ^ Spud, Kim (September 17, 1990). "Kuwaitis bolt for edge amid reports of atrocities". Los Angeles Times. p. 1A.
Western officials said that they are still investigating reports of atrocities in Kuwait and added that many appeared to exist well-documented and supported by enough eyewitness accounts that they could be considered true. In one instance, refugees reported that incubators for premature babies were confiscated past Iraqi troops and the babies within were piled on the floor and left to dice.
- ^ "Air Cutoff of Iraq Gains U.Due north. Back up Kuwaiti Refugees Spill Across Border". San Jose Mercury News. California. September 17, 1990. p. 1A.
In 1 case, refugees reported that incubators for premature babies were confiscated by Iraqi troops and the babies inside were piled on the floor and left to die. "This is the kind of thing that some people call genocide, and if people wanted to construe information technology as such, information technology could exist cause for some kind of military intervention," said a Western diplomat in close contact with the Kuwaitis.
- ^ Hoagland, Jim (September 25, 1990). "Finish Saddam's Reign of Terror". The Washington Post. p. a23.
Only while dissidents have been making such arguments, Saddam'due south actions in State of kuwait show that he is not interested in compromise or in leaving Kuwait -- on any terms. He has begun to depopulate Kuwait, as he once did with Kurdistan, and to send in Iraqis with phony new citizenship documents. Based on Saddam's bloodstained track record, it is almost certain that the young Kuwaiti men being grabbed at the border and elsewhere in Kuwait are being sent to Iraq to die. American refugees and others report that Kuwait City's hospitals are being stripped of incubators and whatsoever other supplies that can be sent to Baghdad, leaving babies and infirm patients to die.ld give sanctions and negotiations a run a risk so he tin can avoid the costs of attacking Iraq's occupation forces is non enough. That does not stay Saddam's ruthless hand.
- ^ Hall, Lawrence. "Suffer the Children: Summit must herald a new era in lives of our endangered young". The Star Ledger. Newark, New Jersey.
The president of Citizens for a Free Kuwait recently wrote Rep. Gus Yatron (D-Pa.), decrying the brutality of this madman."Nothing points to the ruthlessness of Saddam Hussein more than poignantly than his unmerciful misuse of the very young. His manipulation of political opponents through the abuse of their children is, sadly, a well documented fact. Nosotros recently learned that the Iraqi leader has ordered that maternity hospital incubators (in Kuwait), used for treating premature babies, be turned off, assuasive these infants to die of exposure," he wrote.
- ^ "Republic of iraq plunders Kuwait, Usa warns war closer- The Gulf crisis". The Sun Herald. Sydney, Australia. September 30, 1990. p. 8.
The emir told Bush-league of Iraqis going into hospitals, taking babies out of incubators and people off life-support machines to send the equipment back to Republic of iraq.
- ^ Raum, Tom. "Iraqi provocation\Emir's tales of Iraqi atrocities in Kuwait may spur U.S. war machine response". Philadelphia Daily News. Associated Press.
- ^ Spiegelman, Arthur (September 28, 1990). "Its leaders in exile, Kuwait plans for the day of freedom". Reuters News.
He said that Iraqi troops were plundering his country, removing even the rides and merry-go-around from a children's amusement park. "They went into a hospital and took babies from incubators. Twelve babies died and so they could transport the incubators to Baghdad."
- ^ a b Gergen, David (September 30, 1990). "The barbarities of Saddam Hussein – In Kuwait, 22 babies died when invaders stole their incubators". United states of america News & World Report. p. A16.
Secret U.S. government cables, obtained past U.S. News & World Study, reveal shocking acts of brutality inflicted by the Iraqis against innocent citizens at Kuwaiti hospitals. The cables are based on eyewitness accounts from Kuwaiti doctors and others traumatized by what they have seen. Amongst their allegations: -- On the 6th mean solar day of their invasion, Iraqi soldiers reportedly entered the Adan Hospital in Fahaheel looking for hospital equipment to steal. They unplugged the oxygen to the incubators supporting 22 premature babies and made off with the incubators. All 22 children died.
- ^ "The President'due south News Conference". The American Presidency Project. October nine, 1990.
- ^ a b Deparle, Jason (iii September 1990). "THE MEDIA Concern; Gulf Crunch Starts a Costly Fight for Good Printing". The New York Times. p. 31.
- ^ "Kuwaitis loan jets to ship troops". The Times News. Associated Press. August 28, 1990. p. 5.
- ^ a b c Roschbwalb, p. 268
- ^ Rowse, Aruther E. (October 18, 1992). "Teary Testimony to Push America Toward State of war". The San Francisco Chronicle. p. 9/Z1.
- ^ a b Andersen, p. 170
- ^ a b The Washington Post (July 8, 1992). "Jury Says 3 Took Kuwaiti Coin To Promote State of war". Sun-Picket . Retrieved Nov 7, 2017.
- ^ "Deception on Capitol Hill". The New York Times. January 15, 1992. p. A20.
- ^ Elter, Andreas: Die Kriegsverkäufer: Geschichte der United states-Propaganda 1917–2005. Frankfurt a. Chiliad.: Suhrkamp. 2005, p. 241, quoted in: Anton, Andreas & Schink, Alan. (2019). Review of Michael Butter (2018). "Nothing is every bit it seems." About conspiracy theories. In: Periodical of Anomalistics, Volume 19 (2019), p. 471-486
- ^ a b CSPAN Video Recording
- ^ a b c d Rowse, "Kuwaitgate – killing of Kuwaiti babies by Iraqi soldiers exaggerated"
- ^ a b Brosnan, James W. (Oct eleven, 1990). "Witenesses describe atrocities past Iraqis". The Commercial Entreatment.
- ^ Pratt, p. 288
- ^ a b Sriramesh, p. 864
- ^ Walton, p. 772
- ^ a b Rowse, "How to build support for state of war"
- ^ Walton, p. 772
- ^ Eemeren, p. 70
- ^ Walton, p.771
- ^ a b c d eastward Krauss, Clifford (January 12, 1992). "CONGRESSMAN SAYS GIRL WAS CREDIBLE". The New York Times.
- ^ Alderson, Andrew; Wavell, Stuart (January xiii, 1991). "Paradise lost: The full story of Iraq'south violation of Kuwait – Gulf Crunch". Sunday Times.
- ^ "Republic of iraq rejects U.Southward. charges of atrocities". Reuters News. October 16, 1990.
- ^ a b "Doctors deny babies killed in Iraqi invasion". Reuters News. Oct 21, 1990.
- ^ a b c d Arthur, John (January 6, 1992). "Think Nayirah, Witness for Kuwait?". The New York Times.
- ^ "MacArthur, John R." Harper's Magazine . Retrieved March xvi, 2011.
- ^ Bennett, p. 131
- ^ a b Gilboa, p. nine
- ^ a b c d "P.R. Firm Had No Reason to Question Kuwaiti's Testimony". The New York Times. Jan 17, 1992.
- ^ Roschwalb, p. 273
- ^ Lee, Gary (Baronial 28, 1992). "Troubled Public Relations Firm Names New Washington Manager; Paster Replaces Greyness, Who Retains Title as Chairman of the Board". The Washington Post. p. A24.
- ^ Trento, p. 381
- ^ Grunig, pp. 137-138
- ^ Roschbwalb, p. 267
- ^ a b c d eastward f "Kuwaiti Gave Consistent Account of Atrocities". The New York Times. January 27, 1992. p. A20.
- ^ MacArthur, John (Jan 27, 1992). "Kuwaiti Gave Consistent Account of Atrocities; Retracted Testimony". The New York Times.
- ^ Stauber, p. 143
- ^ a b Weiss, Tara (March fifteen, 2001). "NPR insists funding doesn't influence news". The Hartford Courant.
- ^ Hebert, James (July xiv, 2003). "Always consider the source ... if you can place information technology". Copley News Service.
"It was a corrupt, unethical thing to be doing," Broom says of the incident and Loma and Knowlton's function in information technology.
- ^ "Deception on Capitol Hill". The New York Times. January fifteen, 1992.
- ^ Leonard Doyle, "Iraqi Baby Atrocity is Revealed as Myth," The Independent (12 January 1992) p. xi.
- ^ "INCUBATOR STORY NEEDED VERIFICATION". Sun Sentinel. Jan 21, 1992. (subscription required)
- ^ Koenig, Robert 50. (January 9, 1992). "Testimony Of Kuwaiti Envoy's Child Assailed". St. Louis Post-Dispatch. p. 1C.
- ^ Priest, Dana (January 7, 1992). "Legislator to Probe Allegations of Iraqi Atrocities; Accuser Identified equally Daughter of State of kuwait Administrator to U.S." The Washington Post. (subscription required)
- ^ Ted Rowse, "Kuwaitgate – killing of Kuwaiti babies by Iraqi soldiers exaggerated," Washington Monthly (September 1992).
- ^ Dwyer, Jim (July 3, 1992). "Desert Mirage Of Dead Babies". Long Island, New York. (subscription required)
- ^ a b Brough, David (September half-dozen, 1992). "IRAQ RETURNS STOLEN INCUBATORS TO KUWAIT". Reuters.
- ^ Richissin, Todd (October 17, 2001). "Media finds war access denied ; Coverage: Journalists are bristling at the Pentagon's tightening command on what they're allowed to see". (subscription required)
- ^ Qtd. in Trento, p. 389
- ^ Eemeren pp. lxx-71
- ^ Roschwalb, p. 272
Journals [edit]
- Bishop, Ed (Apr 2003). "Non so ancient history". St. Louis Journalism Review.
- Cull, Nicholas J. (Fall 2006). "'The Perfect War': Usa Public Diplomacy and International Broadcasting During Desert Shield and Desert Storm, 1990/1991". Transnational Broadcasting Studies. Archived from the original on 2011-04-05. Retrieved 2011-03-xviii .
- Fowler, Giles; Fedler, Fred (1991). "A Farewell to Truth: Lies, Rumors and Propaganda equally the Press Goes to War". Florida Communication Journal. 22 (1): 22–34. ISSN 1050-3366.
- Gilboa, Eytan (2001). "Diplomacy in the media age: Three models of uses and furnishings". Diplomacy & Statecraft. 12 (ii): one–28. doi:ten.1080/09592290108406201. ISSN 0959-2296.
- Grunig, James E. (Summer 1993). "Public relations and international affairs: furnishings, ethics and responsibility". Journal of International Affairs. 47 (1): 137–162. ISSN 0022-197X. (subscription required)
- Mundy, Alicia (September–October 1992). "Is the printing whatever lucifer for powerhouse P.R.?". Columbia Journalism Review. Archived from the original on October 31, 2007.
{{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link) - Pratt, C (1994). "Hill & Knowlton's two upstanding dilemmas". Public Relations Review. 20 (3): 277–294. doi:10.1016/0363-8111(94)90041-8. ISSN 0363-8111.
- Rendall, Steve; Hart, Peter; Hollar, Julie (January–February 2006). "20 Stories That Made a Departure". Extra!. 19 (1): 23–28. ISSN 0895-2310.
- Roschwalb, S (1994). "The Hill & Knowlton cases: A cursory on the controversy". Public Relations Review. 20 (3): 267–276. doi:10.1016/0363-8111(94)90040-X. ISSN 0363-8111.
- Rowse, Ted (September 1992). "Kuwaitgate – killing of Kuwaiti babies past Iraqi soldiers exaggerated". The Washington Monthly.
- Rowse, Arthur E. (September–October 1992). "How to build support for state of war". Columbia Journalism Review. Archived from the original on April 20, 2008.
{{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: unfit URL (link) - Walton, Douglas (1995). "Entreatment to pity: A case study of theargumentum ad misericordiam" (PDF). Argumentation. ix (v): 769–784. doi:ten.1007/BF00744757. ISSN 0920-427X. S2CID 18245372.
[1] [2] [iii] [4]
Books [edit]
- Andersen, Robin (2006). A century of media, a century of war. Peter Lang. pp. 170–172. ISBN978-0-8204-7893-7.
- Baillargeon, Normand (January iv, 2008). A short course in intellectual self-defense. Vii Stories Press. ISBN978-one-58322-765-7.
- Barra, Ximena de la; Buono, Richard Alan Dello (2009). Latin America later on the neoliberal debacle: another region is possible. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN978-0-7425-6605-7.
- Bennett, W. Lance; Paletz, David L. (1994). Taken by storm: the media, public opinion, and U.S. foreign policy in the Gulf War. Academy of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-04259-vi.
- Bivens, Rena Kim (October 2008). The Road to War: Manufacturing Public Opinion in Support of U.Due south. Strange Policy Goals. Smile Verlag. ISBN978-3-640-17931-2.
- Carpenter, Ted Galen (1995). The captive press: foreign policy crises and the First Amendment . Cato Plant. p. 192. ISBN978-one-882577-22-4.
- Doorley, John; Garcia, Helio Fred (October 20, 2006). Reputation management: the primal to successful public relations and corporate communication. Taylor & Francis. ISBN978-0-415-97470-7.
- Eemeren, Frans H. van (2009). Examining Argumentation in Context: Fifteen Studies on Strategic Maneuvering. John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 70–71. ISBN978-90-272-1118-7.
- Effarah, Jamil E. (September 2007). Remember Palestine to Unlock Usa-Israelis and Arabs Conflicts. AuthorHouse. p. 240. ISBN978-1-4343-3252-3.
- Ewen, Stuart (October 22, 1998). PR!: a social history of spin. Basic Books. ISBN978-0-465-06179-two.
- Foerstel, Herbert N. (June 2001). From Watergate to Monicagate: 10 controversies in modern journalism and media. Greenwood Publishing Grouping. pp. 51–52. ISBN978-0-313-31163-5.
- Frenay, Robert (March 30, 2006). Pulse: the coming age of systems and machines inspired by living things. Macmillan. pp. 412–413. ISBN978-0-374-11327-8.
- Gardner, Lloyd C. (March ii, 2010). The Long Road to Baghdad: A History of U.Southward. Foreign Policy from the 1970s to the Nowadays. The New Press. ISBN978-ane-59558-476-2.
- Grandin, Greg (2007). Empire'southward Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rising of the New Imperialism. Macmillan. ISBN978-0-8050-8323-1.
- Jaco, Charles (January 1, 2002). The complete idiot's guide to the Gulf War. Penguin. ISBN978-0-02-864324-three.
- Jamieson, Kathleen Hall; Waldman, Paul (June 21, 2004). The press effect: politicians, journalists, and the stories that shape the political world . Oxford University Press US. p. nineteen. ISBN978-0-19-517329-one.
- Knightley, Phillip (2004). The beginning prey: the war correspondent as hero and myth-maker from the Crimea to Iraq. JHU Press. ISBN978-0-8018-8030-eight.
- Loehr, Davidson (Oct 11, 2005). America, fascism, and God: sermons from a heretical preacher. Chelsea Light-green Publishing. ISBN978-1-931498-93-seven.
- Maass, Peter (August 10, 2010). Crude World: The Violent Twilight of Oil. Random Business firm Digital, Inc. ISBN978-1-4000-7545-4.
- MacArthur, John R. (2004). 2nd front end: censorship and propaganda in the 1991 Gulf War. University of California Printing. ISBN978-0-520-24231-9.
- Manheim, Jarol B. (January 2, 1994). Strategic public diplomacy and American strange policy: the evolution of influence. Oxford Academy Press. ISBN978-0-19-508738-3.
- Marlin, Randal (2002). Propaganda and the ethics of persuasion. Broadview Press. ISBN978-one-55111-376-0.
- McCusker, Gerry (March 2006). "Propaganda-Truth is the offset casualty of PR War". Public Relations Disasters: Talespin--Inside Stories and Lessons Learnt. Kogan Folio Publishers. pp. 196–198. ISBN978-0-7494-4572-0.
- McPherson, James Brian (2006). Journalism at the cease of the American century, 1965-present. Greenwood Publishing Grouping. ISBN978-0-313-31780-4.
- Miller, Karen South. (1999). The vocalization of business: Colina & Knowlton and postwar public relations. UNC Press Books. pp. 182–183. ISBN978-0-8078-2439-9.
- Müller-Kulmann, Thomas (November 2007). Propaganda and Censorship in Gulf State of war I. Smiling Verlag. pp. 6–vii. ISBN978-iii-638-78145-nine.
- Phillips, Kevin P. (September 6, 2004). American dynasty: aristocracy, fortune, and the politics of deceit in the house of Bush-league . Penguin. p. 309. ISBN978-0-fourteen-303431-5.
- Rossi, Melissa L. (November 29, 2005). What every American should know most who'south really running the world: the people, corporations, and organizations that control our future. Penguin. ISBN978-0-452-28615-3.
- Spragens, William C. (1995). Electronic magazines: soft news programs on network television. Greenwood Publishing Grouping. p. 51. ISBN978-0-275-94155-0.
- Sriramesh, Krishnamurthy (January 10, 2009). The global public relations handbook: theory, research, and practise. Taylor & Francis. pp. 864–865. ISBN978-0-415-99513-ix.
- Stauber, John Clyde; Rampton, Sheldon (1995). Toxic sludge is salubrious: lies, damn lies, and the public relations industry . Mutual Courage Printing. ISBN978-1-56751-060-7.
- Trento, Susan B. (October 1992). The power house: Robert Keith Gray and the selling of access and influence in Washington . St. Martin'due south Printing. ISBN978-0-312-08319-ix.
- Unger, Craig (March 16, 2004). Firm of Bush, house of Saud: the secret human relationship between the earth's two most powerful dynasties. Simon and Schuster. ISBN978-0-7432-5337-six.
- Walton, Douglas N. (June 1997). "The Nayirah Instance". Appeal to pity: Argumentum ad misericordiam. SUNY Printing. ISBN978-0-7914-3461-1.
- Winkler, Carol (2006). In the name of terrorism: presidents on political violence in the post-Globe War II era. SUNY Printing. ISBN978-0-7914-6617-9.
- Willis, Jim; Willis, William James (2007). The media upshot: how the news influences politics and authorities. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 3. ISBN978-0-275-99496-ix.
- Winter, James P. (1992). Mutual cents: media portrayal of the Gulf War and other events . Blackness Rose Books Ltd. p. 25. ISBN978-1-895431-24-7.
- Foundation for Public Relations Research and Education (U.S.) (1997). Public relations review. JAI Press.
References [edit]
- ^ "Nayirah's Testimony". C-SPAN . Retrieved October 17, 2017.
- ^ "How PR Sold the State of war in the Persian Gulf". PR Lookout man. PR Watch. Retrieved seven/five/2013.
- ^ "Gulf War ground offensive begins". History. A&E Tevelvision Networks.
- ^ "Deception on Capitol Loma". The New York Times. Jan xv, 1992.
External links [edit]
- Brian Eno, Lessons in how to lie almost Iraq, The Observer, August 17, 2003.
- Ameen Izzadeen, Lies, damn lies and state of war, Daily Mirror of Sri Lanka, 2001 (no more precise date provided), archive.org mirror. Retrieved 18 Dec 2006.
- Phillip Knightley, The disinformation campaign, The Guardian, Oct 4, 2001.
- Maggie O'Kane, This fourth dimension I'm scared, The Guardian, December 5, 2002.
- Alexander Cockburn, Truth or Propaganda? Radio interview with Geoff Pevere on Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Prime number Time, originally circulate Dec fourteen, 1992.
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nayirah_testimony
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